Racism and Discrimination: Is Public Policy Up to the Challenge?
Valerie Preston
Geography Department
York University
4700 Keele St.
North York, Ontario
M3J 1P3
Presentation prepared for the Fifth International Metropolis meeting, Vancouver, BC, November 14, 2000. I am grateful for suggestions from Brian Ray and Kenise Murphy Kilbride. David Ley reminded me to consider the advantages of segregation. Only I am responsible for any errors.
On November 9, 2000, an article about municipal elections in Toronto began,
'More than one in three residents in the Toronto area is black, brown, red, yellow or some other colour.' (James 2000)
This statement summarizes three important social changes in Canadian cities. The ethnic and racial backgrounds of the residents of Canada=s three largest metropolitan areas; Toronto, Vancouver and Montreal, are increasingly diverse, while with the exception of Aboriginal communities, the populations living outside these metropolitan areas are still mainly from European backgrounds. Diversity is also geographically uneven within each metropolitan area. While immigrants from Asia, Africa, the Caribbean and Central and South America with their descendants will soon outnumber people of European origin in the city of Toronto, they are only one in three of the total metropolitan population. Finally, this statement expresses succinctly the racism that still marks Canadian society (Satzewich 1998). To whom does 'other colour' refer? 'Other colour' does not include white people of European origins. White people are not coloured, only minorities are coloured.
Today, I want to explore contemporary notions of race and racism and link them to questions about the efficacy of public policy to fight racism and discrimination. The discussion will draw on Canadian and American examples of residential segregation and environmental racism that illustrate how racism is constructed locally. I will conclude by arguing that there is a role for public authorities in eliminating racism but successful anti-racism requires that policy makers pay more attention to everyday experience and the local circumstances in which it is lived. Public policy must help us remake the local environments in which racism is rooted.
What is Racism?
Racism refers to relations of power by which persons and groups are subordinated on the basis of biological characteristics, often related to physical appearance (Goldberg 1997). The recent quote from the Toronto Star (James 2000) is revealing because it presupposes an understanding that the norm is white. The burgeoning literature about racialization and racism (Goldberg 1997, Frankenberg 1993, Kobayashi and Peake 2000, Peake and Ray 2000) recognizes that racism can only be understood by interrogating the social processes which define whiteness as the normative standard to which all groups are compared and by which they are defined as the other. Moreover, racism cannot be separated easily from other social processes related to class and gender. Class and gender are implicated in the meanings and expressions of racism (Satzewich 1998, Kobayashi and Peake 1994).
Racism is much more than individual acts of prejudice and hatred. Rather, whiteness and the multiple identities of colour that are its counterparts are infused throughout our social structures and practices. Discrimination derives from the way that social structures operate not just from individual acts. There is also growing appreciation that racism takes many forms in different places. Racialization is inherently geographical (Goldberg 1997, Kobayashi and Peake 2000, Pulido 2000). In Canada, the struggles of Chinese-Canadians to mark the landscape and the resistance that they encountered are well documented (Anderson 1991, Smart and Smart 1996, Ray Halseth and Johnson 1998, Lo and Preston 2000). Studies of Africville in Halifax, Nova Scotia and popular accounts of the lives of blacks who settled in Southern Ontario after fleeing along the Underground Railroad have also underscored the territorial struggles by which visible minorities have resisted racism (Peake and Ray 2000).
Racial inequality in Canada has taken on new connotations recently with growing evidence that immigrants are encountering economic difficulties. As the numbers of immigrants arriving from Asia, Africa, the Caribbean, and Central and South America have increased, the gap between the average earnings and incomes of immigrants and the Canadian-born has widened (Ley 1999, Dougherty 1999). In Canada's three largest metropolitan areas, the unemployment rates for recent immigrants exceed those for the Canadian-born (Badets and Howaston-Lee 1998). Recent reports about the amalgamated city of Toronto and the Toronto metropolitan area have found high levels of economic distress and deprivation for visible minority groups, including many in which recent immigrants predominate (Lo et al. 2000, Ornstein 2000). The reasons for heightened economic inequality are hotly debated, but several authors (Li 1998, Reitz 1997, Ornstein 2000) have argued that after the effects of education, years of residence in Canada, gender, work experience, and other influential factors are controlled, race reduces incomes and employment prospects. People of colour are less likely to be hired and are less well paid than their white counterparts. The economic difficulties of visible minority immigrants suggest that white privilege persists in Canadian society. Indeed, it may have been enhanced during the recession and slow economic recovery of the 1990s.
Public Policy
The possibility that white privilege is being enhanced raises the question of what public policy can do to reduce racial inequalities. I begin from the premise that public policy includes the inactions and actions of public authorities that comprise all levels of Canadian government, other elected bodies and their unelected agencies, boards, and representatives (Pal 1998). Unlike other policies, public policy and public policy makers are concerned with issues of public interest of which racism is one.
Canadian public policy has been transformed in the past fifty years (Simmons 1998). Overtly racist policy statements have been replaced by neo-racist and, occasionally, anti-racist policies. Many pieces of legislation now prohibit discrimination on the basis of race. These prohibitions have altered discourses about race in Canada, removing much racist language from the public stage, increasing the proportion of the Canadian population who are visible minorities, and in some cases, breaking stereotypes that people of colour are poor, badly educated, and unskilled. The prohibitions have led to policies that eliminate signifiers of race, even though the policies may have racist outcomes. The live-in caregivers and seasonal farm worker programs are examples of neo-racist policies that both contribute to racism and sexism in Canada (Smart 1996, Pratt 1999). Little immigration policy is explicitly anti-racist, designed to transform relations of power within Canadian society (Simmons 1998).
In light of this history, many immigration scholars are rightly critical and suspicious of the state's role in combating racism. I will argue that public authorities can influence racism and the underlying processes of racialisation by intervening at the local level. While sweeping principles and programs such as the Charter and the Multiculturalism Act are the necessary societal context for anti-racism, they are not sufficient to achieve a racially equitable society. Policies must address racism at the local level in everyday life.
Geographies of Racism
Evidence of the importance of local spaces and places comes from studies of residential segregation and environmental racism in American, European, and Canadian cities. At the beginning, it is important to note that studies in different countries have interpreted the effects of segregation differently. In American cities, high levels of segregation have persisted since World War II particularly in the industrial cities of the Northeast and North Central United States (Massey and Denton 1993, Fong 1996, Darden 1997, Darden and Kamel 2000). A continuum of segregation marks the urban landscape with Asian-Americans being least segregated, followed by 'Hispanics', the second-largest minority, who are less segregated from whites than African-Americans. In this context, residential segregation is associated with deepening poverty as many people of colour are isolated from places of work and other desirable landscapes (Massey and Denton 1993, Farley and Frey 1994, Wilson 1996). Geographical barriers to employment, poor quality public services, social isolation, and restricted social networks reduce the economic opportunities and life chances of many minority residents. The economic marginalisation of African-American and Hispanic residents of segregated neighbourhoods heightens their social stigmatization. Employers refuse to hire residents of highly segregated neighbourhoods (Hanson and Pratt 1995, Kasinitz and Rosenberg 1996). The processes of racialization and class formation are entwined and inseparable from those of residential segregation.
Residential segregation of European immigrants in American cities and immigrants in European and Canadian cities has been evaluated more positively (van kempen and Ozuekren 1998, Peach 1996). In these cities and for these groups, segregation is thought to promote social mobility by enabling immigrants to maintain their culture, offer mutual aid to each other, and defend themselves from threatening outsiders during the initial years of settlement. Immigrants are expected to disperse as they achieve social mobility with assimilation. This benign view of ethnic and racial segregation is reinforced by levels of segregation in Canadian metropolitan areas that are much lower than those of American metropolitan areas. While more than 70 percent of African-Americans would have to relocate to achieve integration in Northeastern metropolitan areas, percentages less than 50 percent are typical of Canadian metropolitan areas (Balakrishnan and Hou 1995, Fong 1996). The continuum of segregation in American cities is also not found in Canadian metropolitan areas where blacks are no more segregated than people of Asian background and both groups are much less concentrated than African-Americans in American cities (Fong 1996, Ray 1999). Some ethnic groups of European background continue to have higher levels of residential segregation than visible minorities (Ray 1999). This map shows the locations of Jewish and Italian concentrations in Toronto, two populations that are more concentrated than the visible minority populations of Chinese, Blacks, and South Asians (Figure 1).
PUT FIGURE 1 ABOUT HERE
Additional evidence suggests that segregation is not linked with economic marginalisation in the same ways in Canadian and American metropolitan areas. An analysis of poverty trends between 1971 and 1991 showed that neighbourhoods with high levels of poverty in Canadian cities are not necessarily home to immigrants or to visible minority populations (Ley and Smith 1997). Central neighbourhoods are also socially and economically diverse (Germain and Gagnon 1999), rather than predominantly impoverished as in the United States.
Recent social trends raise doubts about this benign view of segregation in Canadian cities. The economic difficulties of recent immigrants, of whom the vast majority are people of colour, suggest that processes of racialization and class formation in Canada are still linked, but the extent to which residential segregation is implicated in these social processes is still being debated. On one side, Kazemipur and Halli (2000) argue that the deteriorating economic position of visible minorities is due to increasing segregation, however, others see a more complicated picture. Between 1991 and 1996, the segregation of South Asians, Chinese, and blacks increased (Hiebert 1999, Balakrishnan and Hou 1995). The increases are small and possibly insignificant given the overall low levels of segregation, but they are linked to income and other measures of social mobility. South Asians, blacks, and Chinese who have low incomes tend to be more concentrated than their more affluent counterparts. Many municipalities where poverty increased between 1991 and 1996 also had growing immigrant populations (Lee 2000).
In Canadian cities, segregation may operate at finer geographical scales than in the United States (Ray 1999), but even on this point the research is not conclusive. A detailed study of socially-assisted housing in the city of Toronto found that black and South Asian tenants were concentrated increasingly in social housing at the same time as the average incomes of tenants declined (Murdie 1994). Recent evidence suggests that blacks may be experiencing discrimination in the housing market that could heighten segregation as their numbers increase. The residential concentrations of Chinese and South Asians are often attributed to desires to live near community members (Fong and Wilkes 1999), but the impact of these concentrations on social mobility is not known. Moreover, none of these racial groups is homogeneous. In Toronto, Chinese-Canadians from Hong Kong, Taiwan, and China have distinct and different residential settlement patterns (Lo and Wang 1997).
How is a policy-maker to respond to this uncertainty? Borrowing ideas and policy recommendations from south of the border requires ascertaining whether they make sense in a distinctive Canadian context. Place formation is entwined with racialization and class formation in Canada but possibly in distinct and different ways. For some members of visible minority groups, increasing segregation may contribute to economic and social marginalisation, but the empirical record is contradictory and incomplete. Additional research is needed to specify for whom and under what circumstances, segregation is likely to have adverse effects on social mobility.
Environmental racism
This map of the Greater Toronto Area reveals the concentration of Canadian-born residents north of downtown Toronto, a concentration that illustrates how dominant groups manipulate spaces and places to maintain their social advantage (Figure 2). In this process, dominant groups distance themselves from pollution and other environmental risks that are borne disproportionately by nonwhites (Pulido 2000). Environmental racism has been studied extensively in the United States (Cutter 1995), but it is only beginning to attract interest in Canadian cities..
PUT FIGURE 2 ABOUT HERE
American studies have documented disparities in exposure to environmental risks between whites and people of colour. Despite persistent measurement problems, there is a general consensus that noxious facilities are more likely to be located in areas where blacks and Hispanics live and that blacks and Hispanics are also more likely to move to areas nearby existing environmental risks (Cutter 1995, Cutter, Mitchell, and Scott 2000, Pulido 2000). To be white in the United States is to enjoy greater protection from environmental risks, often by living in new suburban developments far from existing industrial activities and in locations where political resources may be quickly mobilized to resist location of land uses that are likely to pollute (Pulido, Sidawi, and Vos 1996). Locations dominated by whites are cleaner, less polluted and less dangerous, attributes that come to be associated with the white residents themselves.
Historical analysis has demonstrated the links among class formation, racialisation and environmental risk (Pulido 2000, Pulido, Sidawi, and Vos 1996). According to Pulido (2000), in the area adjacent to Boyle Heights in East Los Angeles, minority communities located nearby industries that were dependent on their labour and where a lack of strictly enforced building codes made homeownership possible for some residents (Figure 3). Over time, the racialized and dirty industrial environment in East Los Angeles has been stigmatized in planning documents, the statements of public officials, and the popular media, creating additional barriers to redevelopment and environmental amelioration (Pulido, Sidawl, and Vos 1996). Subsequent efforts by city council to locate hazardous-waste treatment facilities in East Los Angeles are understood best in the context of this history of environmental racism. East Los Angeles was already a stigmatized location, characterized as dirty, dangerous, poor, and minority. All of these characteristics were entwined in the popular imagining of East Los Angeles.
PUT FIGURE 3 ABOUT HERE
There is much less research about the relations among class, race and environmental risk in Canada, however, recent public debates about garbage disposal in the City of Toronto reveal the same social processes in operation. For more than ten years, the City of Toronto has been trying to locate an alternative to the Keele Landfill that is located outside the City in a rapidly growing suburb. The surrounding community of Maple has one of the fastest rates of population growth in the GTA. It is also ethnically and racially diverse (Statistics Canada 1998). Currently, the community is represented by a Conservative Member of Parliament who has served as a cabinet minister since the government took office.
The Keele Landfill in Maple that is owned by the regional municipality of York is the main destination for garbage from the City of Toronto, a municipality with a population of more than two million people. The odours, truck traffic, flying debris, and seagulls associated with the landfill have generated much local opposition in Maple. As rural land has been converted to housing, the noxious impact of the landfill has affected more households, drawing more attention in the process.
Nearby residents= complaints fell on deaf ears until the imminent closing of the landfill, scheduled to occur in 2002, precipitated conflict among municipalities and between the City of Toronto and the province. Faced with the loss of its major destination for garbage, the City of Toronto proposed to extend the use of the landfill for an extra five years. The proposal was rejected soundly by the provincial government that had promised in earlier electoral campaigns that the landfill would close as scheduled. Desperately seeking a location for its garbage, the City proposed that garbage be sent to Kirkland Lake, a northern Ontario community with high unemployment rates and a vacant mine. Operation of the landfill and the rail system that would deliver the garbage to Kirkland Lake would provide welcome jobs. Opposition to this proposal was led by a coalition that included a chief of a nearby First Nations band, union officials, and environmentalists. The protests culminated in the railroad company=s decision to reject the revised contract proposed by the City of Toronto. The City of Toronto now plans to send its garbage by truck to a landfill in Michigan.
The affluence and political power of suburban residents has kept the landfill out of the suburbs. Concerns about the possible toxic fumes from incineration has also precluded alternative ways of dealing with garbage locally within the City of Toronto. A familiar story to geographers, the story of Toronto=s quest for a hole into which to dump its garbage outlines the contours of environmental racism (Harvey 1996). Garbage is to be dumped near those who are less able to resist noxious facilities because of their class and, in the case of First Nations, race. Again, the extent to which environmental racism heightens the disadvantages faced by visible minority residents of Canadian cities, particularly, visible minority immigrants, is not yet known, however, the concentration of privileged groups is cause for concern and investigation.
Environmental racism entrenches the advantages of the dominant racial group at the expense of minorities, while residential segregation heightens the marginalisation of minorities by confining them to marginal spaces. These two geographical processes of exclusion are inextricably bound up with racialized stereotypes about people and places (Smith 1993). Invariably, those who live in places on the margins are stigmatized by their places of residence (Peach 1996, van Kempen and Ozuekren 1998).
Anti-racist Policy
Nonracist policy is not sufficient to redress the exclusionary processes that underpin racial segregation and environmental racism. The examples that I have mentioned today reveal how racialization is a local phenomenon in which advantage and disadvantage are created spatially. Anti-racist policies must address the local environments in which racism operates.
By calling for policies that address the local circumstances of everyday life, I am not suggesting that anti-racist policy is only the purview of municipal governments. On the contrary, as the story of Toronto=s garbage illustrates, the policies and decisions of all levels of government rebound at the local level. Policies that will reduce and eventually eradicate racial inequality will involve all levels of government and, often, non-elected and elected public agencies.
Four tentative suggestions about policies that would reduce racial inequality by altering local circumstances will be discussed in turn. The first involves the provision of affordable housing. Residential segregation and environmental racism are pernicious because they strengthen the links among class, race, and place. To state it bluntly, to be poor is to be a racial minority who lives in an impoverished residential area, often located near noxious facilities. An initial avenue to break these interconnections is the provision of affordable housing in all locations within a metropolitan area. In the United States, the relocation of central city minority residents from highly segregated public housing developments in Chicago and Yonkers, New York to subsidized suburban housing has dramatically improved the earnings and employment of minority movers (Darden 1997). By altering the locations of affordable housing, we re-construct the links among place, race, and class with enviable results even if we don=t understand the reasons well.
Zoning that encourages a mix of land uses will also mitigate the effects of racism. By reducing the separation between home and workplace, zoning that allows for commercial and industrial activities near residential areas enhances proximity to work, again disrupting the place-based connections between class and race. Zoning that insures a mix of housing types will also reduce inequality. Not only does it insure that households with various incomes benefit from the built environment, it also reduces the isolation of marginalised groups and subsequent identification with a dirty and degraded environment. Any change in zoning must simultaneously restrict pollution and other noxious externalities, possibly through performance standards. We are technologically capable of clean production even if it is more costly, however, clean production methods will only be adopted once there is no location able to accept polluting production (Pulido 2000) . While zoning that allows for different land uses in proximity to each other maximizes accessibility, restrictions in the form of performance standards protect those who are otherwise least able to defend themselves from environmental degradation.
The provision of public services based on need rather than numbers and ability to pay is a crucial prerequisite for undoing inequality. Services provided on the basis of ability to pay, usually through user fees, and on the basis of numbers invariably shortchange those who are marginalised (Pinch 1997) . Since segregation concentrates those who have the least ability to pay in one place while those who have greater ability to pay locate elsewhere, equitable access can only be achieved when government redistribute services among places. At the municipal level, the provision of local infrastructure such as parks, community centres, roads and sidewalks, sewers, and water systems must favour the least desirable areas where the less powerful locate. In developing policies concerning how individual schools may raise money to replace playground equipment, the Toronto District School Board is struggling with this issue of territorial justice. Schools in affluent areas are able to raise much larger sums than schools that serve low-income populations. Yet, children from poor households rely more on public playgrounds than children from wealthy households who are more likely to have their own play equipment and greater access to private facilities. The provision of local social services is equally controversial. Again in the City of Toronto, debates about user fees for recreational programs centre on how to insure access to recreational programs for low-income populations. Currently, the City of Toronto provides free recreational programs for children and seniors at 26 community centres. At other centres, free programs are available only for households who qualify on the basis of a means test. In the current budget crisis when the City is facing a deficit of more than $300,000,000, any attempt to extend free recreational programs is unlikely to succeed. Yet, these are exactly the types of programs that undo the spatial patterns of inequality in current metropolitan areas.
Finally, inclusive planning practices that respect diversity rather than imposing current norms about process and outcomes are essential. In the environmental racism literature, grassroots participation is seen as one of the tools by which racism can be fought. Grassroots participation allows those who have been excluded from decision-making opportunities to participate in the making of policies that have the potential to improve their living environments and to promote further participation and activism (Cutter 1996). We must go beyond the recent efforts of municipal governments to introduce translators and translations of important documents to alter planning practices (Wallace 2000). Only when planners take account of the diverse needs and experiences of urban residents will we create communities that celebrate difference by engaging with all social groups living in the same urban environment..
Conclusion
So, my answer to the question of whether public policy is up to the challenge posed by racism in Canadian society is a conditional yes. Anti-racist policies must concentrate on different issues, those which frame our daily lives and lived environments and in so doing, the policy process will have to change, to allow effective participation from those who are currently outside the policy-making circle. This is not an easy task. Land use conflicts are among the most bitter types of political disputes. Canadian history bears witness to the bitter conflicts that have arisen when racial minorities who are often immigrants have attempted to indicate their presence in Canadian society by marking the landscape. Successful anti-racism will also require addressing other dimensions of inequality due to gender and class that are closely entwined with race. By concentrating on local issues, policy makers may have greater success redressing the inequality that arises from the intertwining of these aspects of social identity and place. Then, Canada that pioneered nonracist immigration policy will also establish itself as a pioneer of anti-racist policies.
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