Version  08.01.2002

 

Preferential Use of Urban Spaces as

Forms of Attachment among Canadian Youth

 

 

 

Yvonne Hébert, Jennifer Wen-shya Lee, Linda di Luzio, Shirley Xiaohong Sun,

Jim Frideres (U Calgary, Canada) and Chiara Berti (University of Genova, Italy)

 

 

 

                                                Paper and Power Point Presentation

                                       at the 6^th International Metropolis Conference

                                                       Rotterdam, the Netherlands

                                                          November 26-30, 2001

Introduction

 

There is today an increasing interest in identity and place, especially as this pertains to youth in their construction of self, culture and knowledge as citizens of pluralist democratic countries. This interest weaves in at least two strands of inquiry. One focuses on the construction of knowledge about territory, in terms of the formation of the citizen and an awareness of the significance of territory for national attachments and for nation-states (Klein, 1998). The second strand of interest focuses on the changing nature of youth cultures, their openness to internationalizing and localizing forces, and the definition of culture especially local cultures and emerging youth cultures (Massey, 1998; Appadurai, 1996). Our paper takes up the second strand of interest in self and place, to wonder about the following questions:

 

$                    How are youth=s emerging sense of belonging to a city and particular country attached to localities, generally and individually?

 

$                    How do youth understand their attachments to urban localities?

 

$                    What links may be established between local attachments, social affiliations and national identity?

 

According to Massey (1998), three observations may already be made. One is that the openness of cultures is not specific to the young; two, that rethinking the geography of cultures challenges the way we think about space; and three, that it is social relations that construct space as places, imbuing them with meaning and power. In reflecting on this, we realize, with Massey, that young people are adding elements to an already mixed and mixing brew, such that dynamic hybridizing elements are probably a condition of all cultures which are always subject to change, from internal and external forces, historically and contemporarily.

 

Researching the links between self and space challenges the use of the notion of scale as a central concept of geographical thought. Most analysts works with spatial frameworks organized into nested hierarchies of different levels or scales, for instance, with the sequence: body, home, community, urban, region, nation, global (Smith, 1993: 101). Others work with sets of spatial dimensions: spatial representations, localization, distance, spatial association, spatial distribution, and spatial relations (Picard, 1986; Klein, 1998). These approaches are open to critiques about what is included and excluded and too often lead to the listing of explanatory factors. More germane to our interests, spatial relations encompasses other dimensions and requires critical analysis of the lives of individuals and societies in their territories.

 

What emerges from changing conceptualizations of culture and identity, from stabilizing roots to mapping routes in spaces imbued with meaning and power, is a notion of space as organized through a vast complexity of interconnections (Gordon and Lahelma, 1996; Massey, 1998). We are interested then in examining the intersection between youth=s emerging cultures and the social relations that constitute space, Anot organized into scales so much as into constellations of temporary coherence set within a social space which is the product of relations and interconnections from the very local to the intercontinental@ (Massey, 1998: 124-125) and even into transnational interconnections.

 

The purposes of this paper are to analyze data on youth=s preferential use of urban spaces in Calgary, a city in Western Canada; and to attempt to understand these within the new framework for thinking about the relations between self and place. Our analysis examines questionnaire data from 390 Canadian youth, some of whom are first and second generation immigrants, as well as graphic, textual and interview data which further elaborates the quantitative questionnaire patterns, in order to shed light on the relationships between self and space as place imbued with meaning and power. This analysis takes up data from a larger project on the identity formation of Canadian youth including immigrant youth,^[1] which focuses upon their strategic competence with respect to spatiality and associativity in year one, discursivity and textual comprehension in year two, and developmental tasks and processes typical of adolescence in year three. The quantitative and qualitative data in question are drawn from year three.

 

After making explicit relevant theoretical and policy contexts, the profile of the participants is described, as are the instrumentation and procedures of the data collection and analysis. The patterns of localization analyzed include the significance given to local attachments; the exploration of urban spaces by quadrant and the possible influence of the educational level of parents, generation of immigration, parenting styles and gender. Looking more closely at these general patterns, the analysis considers patterns of exploration of urban spaces according to types of places and reasons for their selection, the influence of ethnicity overall and more specifically with respect to the Downtown area; and finally the exploration of spaces within and outside Calgary with respect to the generation of immigration. The discussion examines the changing notion of public space, situates the adolescents at the forefront of connecting to intensely used hybrid spaces of attachment, and questions the nature of integration. In conclusion, the meaning of being Canadian is thought to be subject to reconsideration, so as to allow for the changing nature of citizen attachments and for ambiguity in understanding integration and citizenship as more elastic and flexible conceptions and practices.

 

Theoretical and Policy Context

 

As modern states seek to incorporate immigrants and refugees within their bounded but porous territories, and especially in urban settings, concerns for social cohesion arise for states tend to seek to homogenize, temporalize, localize and stabilize their citizenry, while developing consensus around its driving narratives. Like national, federated and multi-national states, cities work by policing their territory, producing their people, constructing their citizens, defining their monuments and services, and constructing locales of memory and commemoration. 

 

The problematics posited as part of the process of entering into relationships between identity and context (Appadurai, 1996) are those of the production of locality in a world that has become multicentric, pluralistic, deterritorialized, diasporic and transnational. Yet neighbourhoods serve as contexts receiving immigration which may be seen as another wave of colonization, introducing peoples upon spaces that had already become places, thus modifying and creating new forms of neighbourhoods and public places. Just as affinities with friends and families may be of variable strength and durability, so too may be the ties to neighbourhoods.

Spaces in countries of origin, of passage, and of residence(s), similarly interact dynamically in the process that is immigritude, serving as neighbourhood contexts for temporary and more permanent attachments. Of particular interest to immigritude, neighbourhoods serve to localize new arrivals as they do for those of prior residence, with familiar and familiarizing streets, thoroughfares, shops, means of transportation, and institutions such as schools, hospitals, courts, and places of worship.

 

When neighbourhoods are situated in world wide contexts, they allow residents to live locally, nationally and globally. In doing so, residents experience globalization which foregrounds economic, political, cultural, social and religious dimensions. Viewed with either extreme pessimism or extreme optimism (Turner, 2000), these dimensions transact with the tensions between patterns of citizenship and the changing nature of politics including the politics of identity.

 

Although there are many studies of identities, few look upon neighbourhoods as sites and sources of emerging youth cultures, identities, and citizenship. There is a tendency to focus on the dark side of neighbourhoods as producing violent crime (cf., Sampson, Raudenbush and Earls, 1997) or on the neighbourhoods themselves as entities of inquiry (cf., Meintel, Piché, Juteau et Fortin, 1997; Mele, 1996). Addressing the relationship between crime and community across U. S. cities, Sampson et al found that the social and organizational characteristics of neighbourhoods explain the variations in crime rates that are not solely attributable to the aggregated demographic characteristics of individuals. In other words, collective efficacy, defined as social cohesion among neighbours combined with their willingness to intervene on behalf of the common good, is linked to reduced violence (Sampson et al, 1997).

 

Addressing the neighbourhood as the interface of pluriethnicity, a interdisciplinary team of researchers studied the  neighbourhood of Côte-des-Neiges in Montréal, famous as the home of the Université de Montréal and of many immigrant groups, to provide a finely detailed macro- and micro-portraits of the constellation of ethnicized interconnections and myth-making (Meintel et al, 1997). Although attention was given to many aspects of neighbourhood life, there was unfortunately for our purposes, no particular focus on emerging youth cultures, other than their inclusion in the chapter on policing on social control and the mutual construction of stereotypes (Symons et Loiselle, 1997).

 

Another study of a mega-city neighbourhood focussed on the pressures and processes of gentrification of the Lower East Side of New York as a form of cultural  appropriation by nested corporate interests (Mele, 1996). Community action resisted reinvention efforts and yet tended to contribute to the neighbourhood=s image as an incubator of counterculture. New opportunities for grass root resistance were created through the sharing of information and strategies among global networks of squatters and housing advocates in local campaigns to maintain affordable housing. Here again, there was no particular focus on youth other than on post-secondary students residing in the neighbourhood. There is a need for studies that focus on the intersection of emerging youth cultures, identity formation and neighbourhoods as sites and sources of attachment and belonging.

 

Set in the context of the vast networks which states establish to maintain their sovereignty, create categories of identities, socialize their citizens as productive active participants in democracy, and preserve their boundaries, our analysis is germane to the general policy issue of the absorption capacities of cities and states. We focus upon the capacity of cities to absorb youth including immigrant youth, as part of the process of becoming a citizen. More specifically, we wonder how neighbourhoods in cities effectively shape the construction of immigrant youth=s identities and affiliations as part of urban and human development; how networks of affiliations and allegiances maintained by immigrant youth contribute to the fragility and elasticity of urban neighbourhoods and other landscapes around the world; and how these landscapes are transformed in theory and in practice, by immigrant youth as part of globalization.

 

Profile of participants

 

Three hundred ninety students from eleven senior high schools and one heritage language Saturday school participated in the current study of urban spaces. Of these, fifty-five students were continuously  involved in the overall three-year research project on the identity formation of immigrant youth. At the time of data collection, the majority of the participating students (74.1%) were in grade eleven and 20% of students were in grade twelve, i.e., the final year of secondary schooling in Canada. Of these students, one hundred sixty-one (41.3%) are male and two hundred twenty-nine (58.7%) are female.

 

Of the three hundred ninety students, one hundred sixteen (21.7%) are first generation of immigration and sixty (15.4%) are second generation of immigration. Participants reported their ethnic backgrounds, with 21%  of East/South-East Asian ethnicity, 17.2% British, 13.8% Continental European, 9.7 % North American, 9.2% Arab/West/South Asian, and 4.6% Latin American. Nearly 19% of participants did not indicate their ethnicity.

 

Grouped to facilitate the statistical analysis of aggregated data, the categories of ethnicity used in this analysis include the following groupings. The category of East/Southeast Asian includes, for example, Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Filipino, Cambodian, Vietnamese, and Indonesian groups of origin. The category of British includes English, Irish, Scottish, and Welsh groups. Continental European includes, for example, Austrian, Dutch, German, Swiss, French, Czech, Hungarian, Polish, Russian, Ukrainian, Danish, Swedish and Norwegian groups of origin. The category of North American includes Americans, Canadians, Québécois, Acadians and French-Canadians. The category of Arab/West/South Asian includes Egyptian, Iraqi, Lebanese, Moroccan, Palestinian, Arab, Afghan, Iranian, Turkish, Persian, Bengali, Punjabi, Bangladeshi, East Indian and Kashmiri groups of origin. The Latin American category includes Chilean, Guatemalan, Hispanic, Salvadorean, and Venezuelan, among others.

 

Instrumentation and Procedures

 

The data is drawn from a five part questionnaire, adapted from Schleyer-Lindenmann (1997) for the Canadian and Calgarian context, as well as from follow-up interviews. Adolescents in the last two years of senior secondary schooling in Calgary were invited to participate in the study in Winter/Spring 2001. The collaboration of administrators and teachers was key to the recruitment of the youth. In all schools but one, the research assistants met with the students and collected the data. In one high school, the teachers handled the administration of the questionnaire on developmental tasks and processes typical of adolescence.

 

Obtaining basic demographic information from each participant in its preamble, the questionnaire focussed on current activities (part 1); projected activities in adulthood (part 2); life at home and parenting styles (part 3); self and city (part 4); and general questions and information (part 5). In response to this questionnaire, participants were asked to provide the name of their neighbourhood, the length of residence there; then to name their two preferred places and to provide written reasons for their preference, on each of five city maps of reduced scale, with the same questions to answer for areas outside of the city. If their favourite places were not on a particular map, they were directed to answer the same questions about their two favourite places on the other maps.

 

Since much of the data in question consists of qualitative, nominal categories rather than quantitative, continuous variables and the number of participants is relatively small in comparison to large-scale survey research, descriptive analysis for exploratory purposes is appropriate. Cross-tabulations which provide frequency counts and percentages for each cell, with Chi-Square tests for significant differences among percentages of groups in cells, were the preferred approach for the statistical analysis using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). The significance criteria (probability < .05) is used.  Although the patterns reported here are all interesting, not all of them are statistically significant. For those that are significant, the values of the Pearson ?² Test are reported.

 

Looking for insight and understanding of the emerging patterns in the questionnaire, interviews with selected respondents were conducted in Summer 2001. While transcriptions are still underway, there is sufficient interview data to provide insights into patterns of preferential use of local spaces as forms of attachment.

 

Patterns of Localization

 

Significance of Local Attachments

 

Identity is connected to a particular place by feelings of belonging, of comfort and home, feelings that define the self and are symbolized by the qualities of that place (Rose, 1995). Places are defined by tangible realities that can be seen, touched, mapped, and located. Places become meaningful through daily practices of living, formalized rituals, commemorations and preservation (Osborne, 2001). An awareness of the importance of building place and memory to form significant local attachments as part of becoming a resident and citizen, is clearly expressed by one of the participants:

 

AWhen you live in a place you feel you belong to it, that=s why I guess you start liking it. If you go far away from it, you would probably miss it. That=s the only time you=ll know. I mean, I can tell because if I ever went from where I=m living, I would miss it. I guess, when time goes by, and places you have been to and not stayed for long, or you haven=t done anything that you can remember forever, or you have some kind of memory of it, special memory, like, maybe, pictures or something or... I guess you would forget it if you don=t have any of that stuff@ (#56, F, Q, 11,  16, Kashmiri, self and parents born in Kashmir, 3 yrs in Canada, NE-Whitehorn).^[2]

 

Not merely neutral containers, local spaces become meaningful places as part of strategies of identity formation, cultural survival, and nation building (Osborne, 2001). Within culturally defined spaces, identities are formed and continually reinforced by individual practices. Invested with value and significance, personalized places may be intensely imbued with a constellation of symbolic relationships with physical surroundings (Basso, 1996; Sack, 1997). Such places acquire a mythical quality and meaning over time, as recognized by another participant:

 

AWell, I think that I could never stop loving the beach in Algeria where we had a small cabin and  every Friday we went there. You see? And again, when we go there, when we go to Algeria, we always make a stop there; we take a sailboat and go out to sea for a bit of a sail@ (Salsoura, #33, F, L, 11, 15, Arab-Berber, self and parents born in Algeria, 6 yrs in Canada, NW-Varsity).

 

A sense of place has a lived embodied quality that informs practice and produces individualized particularized expressions of locality (Martin, 1997). In other words, there is an ongoing reciprocal relationship between people and places with which they interact. Places function as settings for social, political and economic reproduction, with a cognitively derived knowing about place and an intuitive sense of place profoundly integrated into people=s identity (Osborne, 2001). 

 

Exploration of Urban Spaces by Quadrant

 

Calgary is divided into four quadrants according to four directions: Northwest, Northeast, Southwest and Southeast. The Downtown area overlaps the two southern quadrants but is of sufficient significance as to constitute a fifth unit for our analytic purposes. A city mixing cultures and peoples since its inception in the 1870s to today (Hébert and Frideres, 1999), Calgary is rapidly growing in size, from a population of about 650,000 in 1996 to a population of  just over one million in 2001, still expanding demographically and geographically. Situated on a vast productive prairie near the foothills of the Rocky Mountains providing fresh river water and high quality sports/leisure areas, Calgary enjoys few obstacles to urban growth (or sprawl) and attracts economic benefits from the oil industry and provincial economic advantages. While all four quadrants include a mix of residential types, there are, nonetheless, general patterns of residential use which may influence these findings. The Northwest and Southwest quadrants are generally more affluent areas of the city; the Southeast attracts arriving immigrants and the Northeast offers more affordable housing for longer term settlement. The two eastern quadrants offer the highest concentration of heterogeneity within the city.

 

Analysing the patterns of preferential use of the four quadrants as well as the downtown area, the following general patterns are discernable:

 

$                    Adolescents living in the Northwest quadrant appear to be exploring more areas which are outside of Calgary (29.2%) than those living in the other three quadrants.

 

$                    Within the City of Calgary, adolescents living in the Northwest appear to explore all quadrants including their home quadrant, as evidenced by the lowest percentage (4.7 %) of adolescents who explore the city without exploring their home quadrant (?² = 24.34, P- .05).

 

This is borne out by our data which provides two possible reasons in support of these patterns of spatial exploration: one stemming from the educational levels of parents as an indicator of socio-economic status; and the other with generation of immigration.

 

Educational Level of Parents. As shown in Figure 1 below, for adolescents living in the Northwest, 73.7 % of their fathers have one or more university degree (?²  = 60.50, p- .05). This is a much higher percentage than for the other quadrants, especially for the NE (27.2 %) and the SE (33.3 %) groups. The variable of mother=s educational level shows a similar pattern. Our data seem to confirm the characteristics of socio-economic status for the four Calgary quadrants.

 

Figure 1. Impact of Parent=s Educational Level on Exploration of Calgary Spaces and Beyond

 

Quadrant	Educational Levels	Father=s Educational Level	Mother=s Educational Level
Northwest	(No of students reporting the data	167	168)
	High School	14.4 %	25.6 %
	Technical/College	12.0 %	18.5 %
	University	52.1 %	47.0 %
	Graduate	21.6 %	8.9 %
Northeast	(No of students reporting the data	70	73)
	High School	52.9 %	53.4 %
	Technical/College	20.0 %	23.3 %
	University	22.9 %	17.8 %
	Graduate	4.3 %	5.5 %
Southwest	(No of students reporting the data	28	30)
	High School	28.6 %	30.0 %
	Technical/College	7.1 %	13.3 %
	University	46.4 %	46.7 %
	Graduate	17.9 %	10.0 %
Southeast	No of students reporting the data	27	25
	High School	51.9 %	64.0 %
	Technical/College	14.8 %	16.0 %
	University	29.6 %	16.0 %
	Graduate	3.7 %	4.0 %

 

 

Generation of Immigration.  Secondly, as shown in Figure 2 below, there are in the Northwest quadrant fewer adolescents of first generation immigrant status than in the other quadrants. Some 24.6 % of all those living in the NW are 1^st generation immigrants, whereas 44.4 % are of similar status in the SW quadrant, 33.0 % in the NE one and 42.5 % in the SE (?² = 13.14, p- .05).

 

 

Figure 2. Generation of Immigration Resident per Quadrant in Calgary

 

	Northwest	Northeast	Southwest	Southeast
Adolescents in Families wherein  Parents and Children Born in Canada	59.9 %	51.1 %	44.4 %	35.0 %
Adolescents in Families wherein  Parents and Children Born in a Country other than Canada (1st generation)	24.6 %	33.0 %	44.4 %	42.5 %
Adolescents in Families wherein  Parents Born in a Country other than Canada and Children Born in Canada (2nd generation)	15.5 %	16.0 %	11.1 %	22.5 %
Total	100 %	100 %	100 %	100 %

 

 

There are, in the Northwest quadrant in Figure 2 above, fewer adolescents who are first generation immigrant than in other quadrants, thus providing statistically significant support for the preponderance of exploration of urban spaces by NW adolescents. This seems to imply that adolescents who are not first generation of immigration explore the city more broadly.

 

Exploration of Urban Spaces and Parenting Styles

 

The scope of space used on a quadrant basis appears to be influenced by parenting styles, distinguishing between demanding and permissive parents. Demandingness refers to the extent to which parents show control, maturity demands and supervision in their parenting. Permissiveness refers to non-demanding behaviour and a lack of control, allowing adolescents to behave autonomously and independently (Shleyer-Lindenmann, 1997; Aunola et al, 2000).

 

$                    Adolescents whose parents have a more permissive parenting style are more likely to explore further than those whose parents who have a more demanding parenting style. 

 

Figure 3 illustrates the pattern of influence of parenting styles, with more adolescents with demanding parents exploring only their home quadrant, than with permissive parents; and then consistently, more adolescents with permissive parents exploring beyond the home quadrant.

 

                                Figure 3: Exploration of Quadrants, Downtown and Outside Calgary

 

	Demanding Parenting Styles	Permissive Parenting Styles
Exploration without home quadrant	9.2 %	11.2 %
Exploration of only home quadrant; of HQ and downtown	48.4 %	35.8 %
Exploration of home quadrant, downtown and other quadrants	21.0 %	27.1 %
Exploration outside of Calgary	21.4 %	25.9 %

 

Note:      The third type of exploration, of HQ, DT and other quadrants, includes a range of possibilities, for example of exploring two quadrants and downtown, up to total exploration, i.e., exploring all quadrants and downtown.

 

In the home quadrant (HQ), an adolescent is likely to know people, friends and family members, and have easy access to public transportation. The downtown (DT) area is easily accessible by public transportation, includes Chinatown as well as shopping malls linked by pedestrian passes over the streets, and is relatively safe. The extent of exploration also appears to be linked to the parental approval of the place, the provision of spending money and family transportation. With demanding parental styles, such approvals would be less forthcoming than with permissive parental styles. Two adolescents explain their situation, one more restrictive than the other, and consider their parents= role to be very reasonable under the circumstance:

 

AYou know, pretty much hang out at friends= house, or I hang out downtown, 17^th avenue area, or... downtown in general, or I hang out at my house. That=s pretty much the three places I=ll be. Because, I mean, I=m not old enough actually to go out anywhere, so, most of the places I can go to, pretty much just go downtown... I don=t have a car, I can=t get around that easily, I=m living in the middle of nowhere, which means, you know, it takes me two hours to get down here by bus, so... I usually don=t bother, if I want to go somewhere , my parents are usually taking me, providing they agree that=s an okay place to go@.. And other than, downtown, there are no other places I know about; like occasionally, I might to Chinook (Mall) with my parents, but... that=s about it@(Carla, # 82, F, S, 12, 17, Chinese, self and parents born in China, 10.5 yrs in Canada, NW-Arbour Lake). 

 

AWell, for them, it=s enough, they let me go out with boys and girlfriends, you know, friends, for them, it=s a big step forward because they lived in Algeria where it wasn=t like that. As for me, I don=t try to obtain more. I can=t say that there are people I can=t meet. I can talk to anybody, my parents are very tolerant in this regard, but when I=m independent, I=ll be more outgoing. I feel ashamed when I ask for a bit of money, to go have a coffee, for example. So, I ask my mother because it is easier with her. I really can=t go to places without their agreement in some way. If they don=t give me the money, I can=t go, it is that simple. If I have a job and earned my own money, I would be freer, I wouldn=t have to go through them... I don=t like to work; I had my first job at the Stampede and hated it. I don=t like to take people=s money. I don=t like being a cashier, it isn=t interesting or productive. That=s why I prefer volunteer work but then they don=t pay...@ (Salsoura, #33, F, L, 11, 15, Arab-Berber, self and parents in Algeria, 6 yrs in Canada; NW-Varsity).

 

Gender and Exploration of Urban Spaces

 

$                    There appears to be no overall statistically significant difference between males and females in their exploration of quadrants in and spaces beyond Calgary.

 

In exploring within and outside Calgary, female adolescents explore slightly more outside Calgary than males.

 

Figure 4. Gendered Exploration within/outside Calgary

 

	Males	Females
Within Calgary	76.9 %	73.3 %
Outside Calgary	23.1 %	26.7 %

 

Within Calgary, female adolescents explore more outside their home quadrant (HQ) than males.

 

 

Figure 5: Gendered Exploration within/outside Home Quadrant

 

	Males	Females
Only home quadrant	30.8 %	23.1 %
Outside home quadrant	69.2 %	76.9 %

 

 

While this may be surprising in light of the academic literature which suggests that males tend to dominate the use of physical space and enjoy broader spatial and social scope (cf., Sadker and Sadker, 1985; Hébert, 1995), a female participant who likes to go to the downtown Eau Claire area offers an insightful explanation of the spatial scope of gendered exploration of urban spaces, in response to three questions on the questionnaire:

 

Why do you go to this place?             A:            ATo play games and the arcades and to walk around and shop.@

What is it that you like there?         A.            AI like the Arcade, the shops, movies, they have a lot for you to do when you=re with a lot of friends.@

Why do you prefer this place?          A:            AAll of our friends enjoy playing games and shopping; also to get away from the older Lebanese people, because they will talk if you=re out late@

(Tony Montana, # 287, F, J, 11, 17, Lebanese, self and father born in Lebanon, mother born in Syria, 12 yrs in Canada; NE-Monterey Park)

 

This response of escapism from the prying eyes and wagging tongues of watchful group members, is not  unlike the reasons given in a comparable study in Marseille and Frankfort-am-Main among girls who explored urban spaces far beyond their home neighbourhood (Schleyer-Lindenmann, 1997).

 

Internal Exploration of Urban Spaces

 

The top six choices of preferred places among Calgary adolescent participants are shopping areas, sports places, home, institutional and non-institutional meeting places, and nature. Sports places include sports fields, courts, rinks, leisure centres, YMCA, and parks if used for sports. Home includes the adolescent=s home, a friend=s, boy/girlfriend=s home, a relative=s home, and a private teacher=s home (ex., music lessons). Institutional meeting places include youth and community centres, school/university campus, and churches. Non-institutional meeting places include arcades, pool, bowling club, and restaurants. Nature include public parks, off leash areas, waterways, beaches and forests.

 

$                    The majority of adolescents who explore the downtown area and the southwest quadrant are drawn to extensive shopping malls that predominate in these Calgary areas.

 

                Figure 6. Exploration of City Quadrants according to Most Preferred Types of Urban Places

 

	Shopping Malls	Sports Places	Home	Institutional Meeting Places	Non-institutional Meeting Places	Nature
Downtown	72.2 %	6.9 %	2.2 %	3.3 %	4.1 %	4.1 %
Northwest	40.6 %	9.8 %	18.4 %	9.5 %	- -	8.4 %
Northeast	46.2 %	12.4 %	16.1 %		6.8 %	--
Southwest	52.7 %	16.4 %	10.3 %	5.5 %	- -	4.1 %
Southeast	27.1 %	15.3 %	30.5 %	--	6.8 %	11.9 %

 

The explanations given for the adolescents= top choices in follow-up interviews elucidate their   preferences which intermingle locations, reasons and attached meanings:

 

AI still think that Market Mall=s one of my favourite places to go. Just a few of my friends. It does have a good movie theatre. But Northland is much cheaper. The food is still my favourite thing about it, and I still long for pretzels. For Edworthy Park, it=s really a nice place to go for a hike. I love the river there. It=s nice. And it=s well above my boyfriend=s house. So we can just, I can go over to his house, we can hike. We get together. Market Mall=s by his house too. They=re pretty near@ (Miallia, #330, F, M, 12, 17, British ethnicity, self and parents born in Canada, 17 yrs in Calgary, NW-Scenic Acres). 

 

ASometimes, I go just, with friends to, like, 17^th Avenue SW, just hanging out, just experience life down there, >cause it=s different, it=s kind of life there. And sometimes I go to pick up CDs in Megatunes or sometimes I go through the entire avenue over the course of a day. So it just depends on how much time I have, how much desire I have to do it. It depends really@ (Charles Broancoate, #282, M, J, 11, 16, Canadian/British/Austrian ethnicity, self and parents born in Canada, 16 yrs in Canada, NW-Crescent Heights).

 

Reporting on several choices of places in the Downtown area (TD Square, Chinatown), in the NW (Edgemont Park, University of Calgary campus), and in the NE (Marborough Mall, Sunridge Mall), a female adolescent offers a constellation of reasons for her preferences and how they might change over time so as to provide continuous and yet temporary coherence to a selection of places:

 

AYour taste will be different, like UC, there=s this pool place, right, play pool game. I like that, I still go with friends sometimes to the pool place. And it=s fun. I like, you know, shopping, Downtown, and... TD Square, Devonian Gardens. In the summer, it=s very close, a nice place in a Garden to, like, you know, just read or eat lunch or go out shopping, bank, sale, some stuff like that. So it=s a nice place to be. I think as I become more into it, university life, I=ll be coming back from my fun times. I think it=s going to be kinda hard to find time, to either, you know, go shopping or playing pool, and it=s going to be my whole place in the library, because you work down there (laughs). So my changes of that. But it=s nice to have around my house, there=s a big park, where you can take the dog there, yeah Nose Hill Park, where you can take in the scenery, walk your dog, there=s a big tree that shades the sun, and it=s just a nice place do feel alone. I think I=ll still have time to be there. When I was in China and it was the time of Tiananmen Square, I look back and, you know, rights and stuff like that. I=m kind of lucky here, to have freedom of speech, of action, freedom enough to not restrict someone else=s rights. I can do what i want, just don=t even hurt anyone else. Freedom to think what I want, to do what I want to do, to have friends. It doesn=t matter about race, just willing to do all that, to be free to explore myself. That=s what I actually thought@ (# 85, F, L, 12, 17, Chinese, self and parents born in China, 10 yrs in Canada, NW-Edgemont)

 

Ethnicity and Exploration of Urban Spaces

 

In a set of significant patterns, ethnicity appears to intersect in interesting ways with adolescents= exploration of and attachment to urban spaces in Calgary:

 

$                    South Asian adolescents are more likely to explore only their home quadrant (?² = 28.05; p-.05);

$                    East/Southeast Asian adolescents are most likely to explore the downtown areas (?² - 35.66; p-.05); and

$                    North American adolescents have the highest likelihood of exploring beyond Calgary (?² = 25.33; p-.05).

 

                                  Figure 7. Ethnicity and Exploration of Calgary Spaces and Beyond

 

 

Among the Arab/West/South Asian adolescents, the preference for home quadrant appears to be influenced by strong family attachments, as illustrated by adolescents= reasons for their choice, as illustrated by two adolescents of each gender. This ethnic grouping and the British are the only ones who have a sports place among the most frequently chosen places in the home quadrant. This is illustrated by an adolescent (Case B below). He provides reasons linked to functionality, appreciation, and family. A second adolescent selects two malls, the second larger one closer to her home (Case C below):

 

Name of first place chosen:               B: NE Sportsplex                  C: Market Mall

Why do you go to this place?             B: Play soccer                                       C: Shopping

What is it that you like there?         B: Big gym                                             C: It=s quite close to my house + nice place to shop

Why do you prefer this place            B: Uncle=s team practices there        C: Friendly environment close to home

to others?

 

Name of second place chosen:           B: Leisure Centre                  C: Crowfoot Shopping Centre

Why do you go to this place?             B: Play B-Ball                                        C: Cinema (watch movies), restaurants, shops

What is it that you like there?         B: B-Ball                                 C: It has everything you=re looking for

Why do you prefer this place            B: Always people to play with           C: It=s quite close to where I live

to others?                                             

(B = Big Bow Wow, #296, M, J, 11, 16, Punjabi, self born in Canada, parents born in India, 16 yrs in Canada, NE-Marlborough)

(C = #37, F, M, 11, 16, Persian, self and parents born in Iran, 5 yrs in Canada, NW-Arbour Lake).

 

Another example, drawn from a follow-up interview with a female adolescent, insists on the coherence of the imagined landscape of home, its mythical character and symbolic meaning attached to it as source of self, sisterhood, comfort and creativity:

 

AI like being home. There is something I enjoy about it. I can still spend time with my friends at school. My sisters there, my younger sister, we talk, you know, about the day where each other has a problem, just for fun. I like home, I don=t like going to the mall, hanging out, you know. I don=t go to a nightclub, anything like that, it=s just home, a place because it=s familiar. I like to redecorate my room >cause my room is my own galleries. It=s myself in there.. I like it >cause it=s  my sphere here, I really enjoy it, >cause it=s mine. You know, sounds have the reason why, I like to stay there... my refuge, it=s fancy, you know, be quiet, you are allowed, I control it... most of the time. Like special of my own room, so I can, like, this is music or I can just keep fine like libraries. I can stare up the roof, you know, kind of going to my own worlds, >cause all these other places...em, they don=t, they don=t offer that. Home is called a place I like to. I=m comfortable there@ (Il Trumpetor, # 350, F, M, 12, 17, British/American/Irish ethnicity, self born in Canada, father born in UK, mother born in USA, 17 yrs in Canada, NW-Silver Springs).

 

The location of Chinatown in downtown Calgary appears to motivate the high level of exploration of the downtown area among East/Southeast Asian adolescents. This is well illustrated by two adolescents, both of Chinese origin. A female adolescent indicates reasons of appreciation, functionality and friendship (Case D below) whereas, in the second column, a comparable male (Case E) provides reasons of friendship and ethnicized territoriality for his only preferred place:

 

Name of first place chosen:                D: Downtown mall/TD Square                           E: Chinatown

Why do you go to this place?             D: Shopping, hang out w/ friends                     E: Visit my friend

What is it that you like there?         D: Lots of shops, Devonian Gardens               E: I can feel like I am closer to

Why do you prefer this place to        D: Nice, central place                                                Chinese people

others?

 

Name of second place chose:             D: Chinatown                                                       

Why do you go to this place?             D: to eat, shop                                                     

What is it that you like there?         D: food                                                  

Why do you prefer this place            D. with parents, for meals; with friends to hang out

to others?

(D = # 85, F, L, 12, 17, Chinese, self and parents born in China, 3 yrs in Canada, NW-Edgemont)

(E = 318, M, L, 11, 18, Chinese, self and parents born in China, 3 yrs in Canada, NW-Edgeford)

 

The North American predilection for exploration outside Calgary is influenced by attachments to nature, including the land, as illustrated by a female adolescent (Case F below):

 

Name of first place chosen:               F: our farm

Why do you go to this place?             F: to let loose, ride my horses and not have to care about what others think

What is it that you like there?         F: the freedom, the animals

Why do you prefer this place            F: no one to dress up for, my animals don=t judge me and it never changes

to others?                                              (F = Evann Vaughn, #239, F, L, 11, 16, Caucasian ethnicity, self and parents born in Canada, 16 yrs in Canada, NW-Dalhousie).

 

In her follow-up interview, she reflects on the ubiquitous mall with its transitory shops and attractions, in comparison with her strong attachment to the farm, a place imbued with profound mythical meaning of familiarity, acceptance and freedom from urban social restrictions and human pressures, for time-limited periods until the city beckons again:

 

AOh, yeah, the mall, you know, you loose your familiarity with it, like, >cause they are changing so much, like, our mall, Northland Mall, it=s losing, they=re trying to gain older people, so older stores like Tan Jay, you know, that type of clothing. The farm, I would never stop, never stop loving that, it=s a retreat, like, even if it changes, it will still be my heaven, I=ll also have my sense of familiarity out there... a cowgirl at heart, so to speak, I=m a country girl. I usually spend weeks out there, like, during the summer a lot. I escape from people, turn off the phone, don=t take the cell phone, I can be just, as long as you need, recuperation process. The farm until you know, until you get so stir frenzy, you can all take it in moderation, you are not to spend out all your time there but, you know, you crave human attraction, not of course just horses and chickens@ (F = Evann Vaughn, #239, F, L, 11, 16, Caucasian ethnicity, self and parents born in Canada, 16 yrs in Canada, NW-Dalhousie).

 

Ethnicity and Type of Space used in Downtown Calgary

 

Recalling the larger pattern discussed earlier of statistically significant influence of ethnicity on spatial use (see Figure 7), we focus on the uses of the Downtown area:

 

                                        Figure 8. Ethnicity and Use of Downtown Area in Calgary

 

 

Elaborating on this slice of the larger pattern, the use of different types of spaces is equally sensitive to the adolescents= reported ethnicity:

$                    Adolescents of every ethnic group chose malls as a place for spending their free time in Downtown Calgary, with the North American group with the highest percentage of use (56.5 %).

 

$                    The East/Southeast Asian group of adolescents has the highest percentage of use of specific streets or neighbourhoods in the Downtown Calgary area (56.7 %), followed by the adolescents of British ethnicity.    

 

                           Figure 9. Ethnicity and Use of Specific Places in Downtown Area in Calgary

 

 

 

The high use of specific streets and neighbourhoods in the Downtown area for the East/Southeast Asian group is related to ethno-cultural attractions in Chinatown, such as ethnic restaurants, ethnic food shopping, ethnic language learning or proximity to home neighbourhood. For the adolescents in the British group, their attachments are mostly to the Eau Claire neighbourhood, with riverside location and its mixture of shops, cinemas, restaurants, pathways and open spaces for leisure activities; as well as access to the mid-stream park, Prince=s Island, as preferred venue of festivals and other events.

 

 $         Generally, all the ethnic groups reports reasons of functionality and appreciation for frequenting the Downtown area. The Arab/West/South Asians and the East/Southeast Asians add in friends as their second or third reasons, respectively.

 

The frequency of the top three reasons given by the East/Southeast Asian adolescents for their attachment to the Downtown quadrant are, in order of importance, functional (43.1 %; 85 times out of 197 responses); appreciation (19.3 %; 38/197); and friends (13.2 % ; 26/197). The frequency of the two top reasons given by North American adolescents are functional (50%; 33/66) and appreciation (28.8%; 19/66) whereas those given by Arab/West/South Asians are function (45.5 %; 15/33) and friends (21.2 %; 7/33).

 

Two adolescents= responses to the questionnaire illustrate these patterns. One Vietnamese adolescent comments on her choices of Downtown areas in terms of her appreciation for shopping and its ethnocultural character (Case G below) whereas another adolescent offers reasons of functionality for her choices (Case H below).

 

Name of first place chosen:               G: TD-Square Shopping Centre         H:  Eau Claire                       

Why do you go to this place?             G: Good places to shop                       H:  Shopping

What is it that you like there?         G: Good stores to shop at                   H:  Mini-Donuts (

Why do you prefer this place            G: Basically because it=s                    H:  Because they have IMAX

to others?                                                 pretty nice and fun                           and they=re the only place to get

Mini Donuts when the Stampede isn=t here

 

Name of second place chosen:           G: Dragon City/Chinatown H:  Stampede Grounds                       

Why do you go to this place?             G: Good places to shop                       H:  Fun, Hockey Games

What is it that you like there?         G: Good things to buy there               H:  Exciting, Rodeo

Why do you prefer this place            G: It has a touch of oriental                H:  Lots of people, fun

    to it which I like

(G = #12, F, K, 11, 17, Vietnamese, self born in Canada, parents born in Vietnam, 17 yrs in Canada, SE-Radisson Heights)

(H = #143, F, L, 11, 16, British ethnicity, self and parents born in Canada, 16 yrs in Canada, NW-Edgemont).

 

Preferences are subject to change however, as explained by an East Asian respondent who is detaching from Chinatown:

 

AIt=s not just because I don=t like the people there, it=s because most Eastern people go there and then they make me feel like it=s a totally different place. They make the place isolated. I see less Canadian people there. It makes me feel like the place is more isolated@ (# 88, F, L, 12, 19, Chinese, self and parents born in Taiwan, 6 yrs in Canada, NW-Edgemont).

 

In doing so, she insightfully illustrates her desire to become >more Canadian=, i.e., to have multiple connections within and beyond her ethnic group, by distancing herself somewhat with places that are imbued with shared meaning of a powerful ethnic community. Her shifting spatial practices exemplify the temporal nature of the meanings and coherence assigned to community localities consisting of a constellation of intertwining familial, personal, political, economic and social relations.

 

Influence of Generation of Immigration on Exploration of Urban Spaces and Beyond

 

The analysis takes into consideration three categories of origin, parents and offspring born outside Canada, termed first generation of immigration; parents born in a country other than Canada and offspring born in Canada, termed second generation of immigration; and parents and offspring born in Canada.  Several preferential spatial patterns emerge:

 

$                    Second generation adolescents tend to explore within Calgary more than those of first generation or of non-immigration group; moreover, adolescents of the non-immigration group tend to explore outside Calgary more than the immigration groups (?²  = 10.45, p- .05).

 

Figure 10. Generation of Immigration and Exploration of Spaces within and outside Calgary

 

 

This general pattern is further elucidated by examining the types of spatial use outside Calgary.

 

$                    The non-immigration group has a much higher percentage of places in Alberta and Canada than the 1^st generation group (31.2 % vs 11.5 % and 19.7 % vs 3.8 % respectively). This pattern seems to indicate that adolescents with an immigration background may not have many affiliations in Alberta and Canada.

 

$                    The 1^st generation group has a higher percentage of places in the world than does the non-immigration group (19.2 % vs 4.9 %).

 

$                    For both immigration and non-immigration groups, approximately one third of adolescents who explored outside Calgary, went to the Banff area (26.3 % for those of non-immigration background and 38.4 % for the 1^st generation group). Banff appears to be a particular and  outstanding place for people living in Calgary.

 

Figure 11. Type of Space Used Outside Calgary by Generation of Immigration

 

	Adolescents & parents born in Canada		Adolescents and parents born in a country other than Canada (1st generation)		Adolescents born in Canada and Parents born in a country other than Canada (2nd generation)
Places in the World	4.9 % (3)		19.2 % (5)		33.3 % (2)
Urban in Alberta	6.6 % (4)	31.2 % (19)	7.7 % (2)	11.5 % (3)	16.7 % (1)	33.4 % (2)
Rural in Alberta	24.6 % (15)		3.8 % (1)		16.7 % (1)
Urban in Canada	4.9 % (3)	19.7 % (12)	3.8 % (1)	3.8 % (1)	0
Rural in Canada	14.8 % (9)		0		0
Urban in Banff	6.6 % (4)	26.3 % (16)	3.8 % (1)	38.4 % (10)	33.3 % (2)	33.3 % (2)
Rural in Banff	19.7 % (12)		34.6 % (9)		0
Close proximity to Calgary	17.9 % (11)		18.0 % (4)		0

 

For the 1^st generation group of adolescents, reasons for spending time outside Calgary were primarily appreciation, functional and nature. For the 2^nd generation group, appreciation and nature ranked highest, whereas for the non-immigration group, appreciation, nature and friendship were the most frequent reasons given.

 

The non-immigration group of adolescents have historical family relations in Alberta and Canada, as well as enjoying the Banff area for camping, sports and nature activities. The 1^st generation groups of adolescents have historical family connections in places around the world, enjoy a range of activities in Banff and in close proximity to Calgary. Since the 2^nd generation adolescents tend not explore world places or rural ones, this suggests that they are no longer closely connected to family and friends in their countries of origin, connections which the 1^st generation tends to maintain. Nor have the 2^nd generation adolescents established extensive connections to friends and places outside of the city, with none whatsoever in close proximity to the City, thus tending to explore within Calgary much more than beyond.

 

Discussion

 

Historically, the notion of >public space= typically meant a street, square or public park; and was linked to commerce, which in Calgary would include the downtown area. However, the advent of the shopping mall challenges this idea, as malls are carefully tailored environments, tailored to shopping, entertainment and recreation. They are also controlled and monitored to create a safe middle-class enclave (Livesey and Down, 2000). Today, in Calgary, groupings of mega-sized retail outlets have begun to populate the edges of the city, a development that negates any idea of shared public space by these complexes with vast parking lots. According to Livesey and Down (2000), the notion of public space in Calgary is being redefined to include intensely used spaces, including those created by small businesses such as fast food places and coffee cafés; pedestrian overpasses such as the +15 system downtown; the park-like campuses of large educational institutions; a comprehensive park system combining river and escarpment ecosystems; public parks sandwiched in between residential areas, the light rapid transportation (LRT) system, and shopping centres; the international airport with the addition of boutique shops, food courts, upscale restaurants and facilities for pampering first-class travellers; quasi public spaces created by warehouse stores, especially with intense use on weekends; multiplex cinemas where hordes of people may queue up for as many as ten different films, clutching a jumbo drink, popcorn and large chocolate bars; and hybrid stores that serve as bookstore, library, café and bus station.

 

Given the major tendency for adolescents of all ethnic and immigration groups to head downtown and to malls, for intensely used places with multiple functions, the Calgary adolescents seem to have understood that the nature of public spaces are rapidly changing. The adolescents in this study have connected themselves accordingly, using such public spaces for a multitude of reasons, so as to ascribe meaning and power to these spaces as these become meaningful places of attachment by a process of localization. In doing so, these young people go far beyond their neighbourhood, to have wide scope over the city, attaching shared meaning and power to attractive multi-functional places. These findings differ considerably from those in the Schleyer-Lindenmann (1997) study of Marseille and Frankfort-am-Main in which ethnic, French and German adolescents of the same age, attached first to their neighbourhood (quartier) then to particular places beyond, ex., a sports arena in another part of their home city. Our findings also suggest that Appadurai=s theories of the production of locality as essential to identity formation, social cohesion, and citizenship, merit a broader scope of localization beyond the neighbourhood as bases of meaning making in at least one Canadian city.

 

The distinctions between groups of ethnic and immigration backgrounds suggest that integration of new Canadians is a long term process. It does not happen within even two generations, unless of course the future of the Canadian population lies almost exclusively in urban areas close to highly attractive leisure areas within a two hour driving radius. The production of locality, as part of becoming a Canadian, occurs gradually, with connections maintained on a transnational basis through the 1^st generation characterized by extensive familial, personal, ethnic and economic social fields of being. The maintenance of transnational connections is not nearly as strong or thick for the 2^nd generation who focus on making meaningful urban connections without necessarily establishing themselves beyond urban localities, but for whom family and ethnic networks continue to influence some patterns in the daily lives of young people in Calgary. 

 

Conclusion

 

The nature of these connections, generationally conditioned and ethnicized for immigrant adolescents, calls into question what it means to be Canadian. While 3^rd, 4^th and 5^th generations in Western Canada may maintain strong and thick attachments to the land and to places across the country, this reflects earlier patterns of settlement in rural areas followed by urbanization. In the foreseeable future, Canada will continue to receive more migration to sustain its population base for social and economic reasons. However, urbanized new Canadians will necessarily reflect a different pattern of settlement. This will require the reconsideration of the complex significance of symbolic memories of distant attachments and of local attachments as part of the production of a sense of profound belonging and a cognitive knowledge of being Canadian citizens. The concept of freedom, for example, is understood differentially by two adolescents, one a non-immigrant and the other an immigrant:

 

AFreedom does have boundaries you know, >cause if you want to be free, you can=t just go out, you know, killing peoples, >cause you don=t like them, you know, >cause it=s a free country. So freedom to me is be able to make your own decisions, and be able to fight for that, because my dad just now (made an example of applying rules to all children in the family) but the rule did not apply to them, >cause they think they are the owners of their own universe. So if you do apply the rules to yourself, and you adapt to that, you work with it, you have a lot of freedom@ (Il Trumpetor, # 350, F, M, 12, 17, British/American/Irish ethnicity, self born in Canada, father in UK and mother in USA, 17 yrs in Canada, NW-Silver Springs).

 

AWhen I was in China and it was the time of Tiananmen Square, I look back and, you know, rights and stuff like that. I=m kind of lucky here, to have freedom of speech, of action, freedom enough to not restrict someone else=s rights. I can do what I want, just don=t even hurt anyone else. Freedom to think what I want, to do what I want to do, to have friends. It doesn=t matter about race, just willing to do all that, to be free to explore myself. That=s what I actually thought@ (# 85, F, L, 12, 17, Chinese, self and parents born in China, 10 yrs in Canada, NW-Edgemont).

 

The patterns emerging in our data move towards greater diversity and suggest that the nature of citizen attachments is changing, towards a greater focus on the production of urban localities in constellations of social and spatial relations, of temporary coherence. These are coinciding with major demographic shifts to metropolitan areas, with variable transnational attachments over time and space, without being coterminous with a particular state=s boundaries. For 2^nd generation citizens, for example, the meaning of belonging appears to be largely localized in urban areas, with thinner transnational connections than those held by 1^st generation citizens, while nonetheless being shaped by their ethnicity and their family migratory history. For 1^st generation citizens, the meaning of belonging appears to be transnational and to recognize membership in multiple border-crossing communities. This pluri-locality  allows for ambiguity in understanding integration as inclusion, cohesion and federation (Bauböck, 1998). Since the construction of citizens occurs in an imagined community, the imagination must also move beyond narrow conceptions of what it means to be a Canadian to encompass elastic and flexible conceptions and practices of belonging based on personal relations within meaningful places.

 

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08.01.2002