In 1996, from the 102.048 foreigners living in Zurich, 85.767 persons (84,0%) were European, 9493 (9,3%) Asian, 3977 (3,9%) American (South and Northern America), 2579 (2,5%) African and 162 Australian. The most important groups are the Italians (19%), the people from the Republic of Yugoslavia (15,8%), the Germans (9,6%), Spaniards (7,9%) and Portuguese (5,9%) (see table I-XI).

1.6 Generational make-up and differences within immigrant / ethnic minority populations

If one looks at gender make up and the age structure one finds a first striking feature. In 1996 from the 257.600 Swiss living in Zurich, 116.663 were men and 140.937 women, a ratio in favour of the latter: 54,7% to 45,3%. Looking at the foreigner population one finds exactly the contrary: from the 102.048 foreigners 55.845 were men and 46.203 women, this is a ratio of 54,7% to 45,3% in favour of men (Statistisches Amt 1997, 60).

Foreigners are more strongly represented in the lower age groups than in the higher ones, which is the result of the their higher fertility rate compared to Swiss. Looking at children in the age group of up to 4 years the proportion of foreigners is 43%; in the group of youngsters (15-19 years) their part is 40,9%. The percentage only decreases in the higher age groups: it is 23,1% for people between 60 and 64 (see table I-XIII).

1.7 Concentration

Residential concentration:

Until the 1980s the residential concentration of foreigners in Zurich was relatively low. On the level of the boroughs the highest percentage of foreigners could be found in 1960 in the 1^st borough with 28%, in 1970 in the 5^th borough with 31% and in 1980 still in the 5^th borough with 36% followed by the 4^th borough with 33% (Arend 1982, 326). In the same period the percentages on the level of neighbourhoods in the 3^rd, 4^th and 5^th borough were between 20% and 30%. There could also be found a few streets with up to 100% foreigners (Arend 1985, 180-183). Compared to the USA or other European cities the segregation indices are low and the spatial distribution has until a few years ago never been an issue of politics (Arend 1991).

There are several reasons for this: as Arend (1982, 361-372) explains, Zurich is a relatively small city and the possibility that specialised and homogeneous areas can form is therefore quite limited. A second reason seems to be the relatively tight control of the housing sector in Switzerland which reduces the opportunities for landlords to rent apartments of bad quality at extensive prices to migrants. A last reasons, according to Arend, is the fact that autochthonous habitants have quite a low mobility and do not move even if the percentage of foreigners is going up.

However, these findings concern only the post-war period up to 1980. The analysis of the federal census of 1990 shows that the concentrations have increased during the decade 1980-1990 (see table XIV). The 5^th and the 4^th boroughs are still the one with the highest percentage of foreigners: 44.8% respectively 41.2%. On the level of neighbourhoods the highest foreigner-concentrations can be found in Langstrasse (47,7%), Gewerbeschule (45.2%) and Escher Wyss (42,2%). All of these neighbourhoods are quite near to the city centre but do not have – with the exception of Langstrasse where the red light district is situated – the character of an inner city.

There aren't any mono-ethnic neighbourhoods neither: the highest proportion of one nationality can be found in Escher-Wyss, where the Italians make 16,2% of the whole population (Leitbild 1998b, 79-80).

Economic concentration:

If one looks at the economic concentration of foreigners in Zurich’s labour market one has to distinguish two groups: on the one hand people from the German speaking neighbour-countries (Germany, Austria), from North-West-Europe and from other OECD-countries who are mostly well-qualified and working in good positions. On the other hand migrants from the traditional recruitment-countries – Spain, Portugal, former Yugoslavia, Greece, Turkey and other non-European-countries – who are concentrated at more than 90% in branches which require only low qualifications (Ochsner 1998, 272-326).

The different groups have nevertheless diverse occupation-profiles (see table I-XV): a fifth of the Italians work in sale and office jobs which require only low qualifications and about a forth of them are occupied in metal-working, machine building as well as construction and painting. Almost 20% of the Spaniards and 25% of the people from former Yugoslavia are working in the hotel and restaurant industry and almost 30% respectively 37% of them in construction/painting and cleaning. The Portuguese are concentrated in the same three sectors but even stronger: 33% in the hotel and restaurant industry, 20% in construction and painting and 17% in cleaning. Turks and Greeks are only concentrated in the service and not in the industrial sector: the three main occupation branches of the Turks are hotel and restaurant industry (21%), sale and office jobs and other occupations whereas Greeks are distributed more evenly about the different branches.

Women coming from the same countries of origin are working up to 90% in the hotel and restaurant industry, in sale and office jobs requiring low qualifications (for example cashiers) as nurses or hairdresser and in the cleaning-sector (Ochsner 1998, 44).

1.8 Mobilisation, organisation

Many students of immigration in Switzerland attribute an important place to migrant organisations for the explanation of the integration process (for example Schmitter 1980, Fibbi 1985, Bolzmann, Fibbi, Valente 1992), a fact which is also acknowledged by the administrations dealing with migration issues (EKA 1996, 14). The Swiss law does not – unlike the law in other European countries (for example France) – require the registration of associations. Whoever likes – Swiss citizen as well as foreigners – can found an association. This liberty of organisation makes it however very difficult to have an exact idea of the number of migrant-associations and to know what are their aims and their influence. Although Italian associations like the Federazione Colonie Libere Italiane – but also political parties like the Italian Communist Party – had an important impact on the integration of migrants in Switzerland, there is only scarce scientific information on their history, organisation and development.

The impact of the mobilisation of migrants on the Swiss immigrant policy, however, has always been weak. In the second part of the 1970s for example a lot of migrant associations participated on the committee "Mitenand" ("Together") which launched a popular initiative aiming at the reform of the Aliens law of 1931. This committee consisting of representatives of labour unions, Christian groups and left-wing organisations – migrants as well as Swiss – wanted to improve the situation of immigrants in Switzerland by giving them the same social and civil rights as Swiss have (Haug 1980, 90). Although some authors consider the initiative as "a large mobilisation process of migrants" (D'Amato, 1997: 145) and as a real "'coming out' of the immigrant" in the sense of a "radical change of the political perception of foreigners as not only economic-functional but also cultural and social " (Cattacin, 1996: 72), it did not have a decisive impact: on April, the 5^th 1981, the initiative was rejected by a very strong majority of 84% of the voters and by all the cantons.

Since then there has not been any new comparable movement and the agenda setting concerning the immigration issue is almost exclusively dominated by the confrontation of different Swiss groups and their interests. It seems that after the failure of the struggle for political rights a lot of immigrant organisations changed their aim and became progressively oriented towards cultural issues (Bolzmann, Fibbi, Garcia 1988, Bolzman and Fibbi 1991, Fibbi 1995).

The same seems to be true for Zurich, but migrants keep nevertheless politically active. In February 1989, for example, a petition signed by 5400 foreigners, asking the right to vote on the local level, was transmitted to the authorities. The same mobilisation took also place in other municipalities of the canton, but all of them received negative answers (Marquis, Grossi 1990, 24-25). At the end of 1988 representatives from labour unions, left-wing parties and the churches mobilised for a popular initiative on the cantonal level, which aimed at the introduction of local voting rights for foreigners who had a permanent residence permit for at least five years ⁴. The vote took place on September, the 26^th 1993: 75% of the voters rejected the initiative. In several other Swiss cantons similar initiatives received in the same period also negative answers by strong majorities (Cueni, Fleury 1994, 15-17).

Recently, a week before the municipal elections of march 1998, the new formed group " Political rights for migrants " (Politische Rechte für Migrant(-innen)) announced in a press conference that it will once again try to struggle for the political rights of migrants. The principal aim of the group, which consists of members from labour-unions and representatives of migrant organisations, was to support Swiss candidates with a migrant background. Once elected they should push for local political rights and for a facilitated naturalisation (NZZ 1998c). Migrant organisation were also criticising very strongly the fact that they could not participate on the setting up of the new Integration Design (Integrationsleitbild) which was published by the municipality in May 1998 (see 2.3). However, in November 1998 the municipality informed, that there will be a new version of this text and that migrants will be integrated in the group charged to rewrite it.

Migrant organisations

In 1996 the Co-ordination Office for the Questions of Foreigners (Städtische Koordinationstelle für Ausländerfragen)⁵ published a brochure (was updated in 1997) with about 350 immigrant associations established in Zurich (Koordinationsstelle 1997). Because there is no possibility to evaluate their relevance and influence we indicate here all the associations of the major groups of labour migrants and refugees listed in the brochure. This means that we look at the association of the people from Italy, the Republic of Yugoslavia, Spain, Portugal, Turkey, Sri Lanka, Croatia, Bosnia and Greece.

Bosnia

1. Dzemat der islamischen Gemeinschaft Bosniens in Zürich
2. Bosniaken Institut
3. Matica Bosne I Hercegowine
4. Verein der Flüchtlinge aus Bosnien und Herzegowina in der Schweiz

Croatia

1. Kroatische Katholische Mission
2. Almae Matris Alumni Croaticae
3. Kroatische Kulturgemeinschaft
4. Kroatischer Ingenieur-Verein
5. Kroatisches Humanitäres Forum
6. Kroatisch-Herzegowina Gemeinschaft
7. Nogometni klub Croatia
8. Nogometni klub Hadjuk

Greece

1. "Ewros" Arbeitnehmer-Vereinigung
2. Föderation Griechischer Vereine und Gemeinden in der Schweiz
3. Fussballclub S.V.Asteras
4. Fussballclub S.V.Hellas
5. Fussballclub Megas Alexandros
6. Griechische Gemeinde Zürich
7. Griechischer Kulturverein Demokritos
8. Griechischer Lehrerverein
9. Griechischer Verein "Parthenon"
10. Griechischer Verein Pentalofiton
11. Griechischer Verein der Kozaniten
12. Verband Griechischer Elternvereine im Kanton Zürich – Aristoteles
13. Vereinigung der Kreter in der Schweiz
14. Vereinigung Pontion in der Schweiz

Italy

1. Comitato degli Italiani all’Estero
2. Assistenza Italiana
3. Associazione Abbruzzese
4. Associazione Bellunesi nel Mundo
5. Associazione Regionale Emigrati Molisani
6. AssociazioneTriveneto
7. Associazione ULEV
8. Associazione Campana
9. Associazione Culturale Italiana
10. Associazione Emigrati Lucani
11. Associazione Emiliani Romagnoli
12. Associazione Ex Combattenti
13. Associazione Friulana Fogolar Furlan
14. Associazione Gente Camuna
15. Associazione Giovani Siciliani
16. Associazione Lavoratori Emigrati Friulani
17. Associazione Lavoratori Montellesi
18. Associazione Marchigiani
19. Associazione Naz. Alpini
20. Associazione Pugliese
21. Associazione Trevisani nei Mondo
22. Associazione Toscana di Zurigo
23. A.I.D.O. – Associazione Italiana Donatori Organi
24. A.V.I.S. – Associazione Italiana Volontari del Sangue
25. CASLI – Comitato Assistenza Scolastica Lavoratori Italiani
26. Centro di Studi Italiani
27. Circolo Lucano
28. Circolo San Martino
29. Circolo Trentini nel Mondo
30. Circolo Culturale Realtà Nuova
31. Comitato Genitori Limmattal
32. Comitato Nazionale Patronati
33. Comitato Tricolore
34. Comitato Nazionale d’Intesa
35. Comitato Genitori Scuola Elementare Italiana
36. Conferenza "San Vincenzo"
37. Coord. Federazione
38. Corale Santa Cecilia
39. C.A.V.E.S.
40. Dame di Carità
41. Ente Bergamaschi nel Mondo, Circolo di Zurigo
42. Famiglia Padovani di Zurigo
43. Famiglia Siciliana
44. Federazione Associazioni Sarde in Svizzera
45. Federazione Associazioni Calabresi
46. Federazione Associazioni Campane
47. Federazione Associazioni Lucane
48. Federazione Regionale Associazioni Emigrati Lombardi in Svizzera F.R.A.E.L.
49. Federazione Colonie Libere F.C.L.I.
50. Gruppo Italiano Oerlikon
51. Gruppo Valtellinesi
52. Lecce Club Zürich
53. Lega Uomini Cattolicci
54. P.C.I
55. P.S.I.
56. Società Dante Allighieri
57. Società Donne Cattoliche
58. Udinese Club Zurigo
59. Società Donne Italiane
60. Unione Emigrati Siciliani
61. Unione Emigrati Sardi E. Racis
62. Veronesi nel Mondo
63. Vicentini nel Mondo

Portugal

1. Associaçião Portuguesa
2. Centro Lusitano
3. Comissão de Pais de Zürich
4. Federação das Associações Portuguesas
5. Foro Cultural
6. Sporting Club de Zurich

1. Basketballclub Korac Zürich
2. Humanitärer Verein SAR
3. Jugoslawischer Verein
4. Kulturelle Vereinigung der Serben in der Schweiz
5. Serbischer Kulturverein
6. Sportclub Jugoslavija

Spain

1. Agrupación de Padres de Zürich e alrededores
2. As Xeitosiñas
3. Asociación Juvenil autónoma
4. Asociación Popular Española
5. ATEES
6. Ateneo Popular Español
7. Centro de Amistad PTT
8. Centro de Formación Goldbrunnen
9. Centro Gallego
10. Centro Hispánico Cultural
11. Centro Hispano Cultural Recreativo
12. Circulo Cultural "Miguel de Unamuno"
13. Consejo Escolar de Padres de Familia
14. C.R.E.
15. Federación de Sociedades Galegas na Suiza
16. Foro Cultural
17. Grup Cultural Valencia
18. Izquierda Unida
19. Katalanischer Verein Cosa Nostra
20. PCE
21. Promoción Cultural
22. Promoción da Cultura Galega
23. P.S.O.E.
24. Unión Deportiva "Orense"
25. Union General de Trabajadores, Sección de Zürich UGT

Sri Lanka

Tamils

1. Beratungsstelle Pathai
2. Katpakam – Treffpunk für tamilische Frauen
3. Mütternberatung für tamilische Eltern
4. Tamil Welfare Organisation W.T.T.C.
5. Tamilischer Elternverein
6. Tamilisches Kulturzentrum
7. Tamils Rehabilitation Organisation
8. Thirukoneswara Nadanalayam Tanzgruppe
9. Hindu Mananram

Sighalese

1. Swiss Sri Lankan Association
2. Sri Lanka Cricket Club Zürich

Turkey

1. Isviçre Islam Cemaati VakfI
2. Türkisch-Islamische Stiftung für die Schweiz
3. Zentrale der islamischen Vereine in der Schweiz
4. Zürich Türk-Islam – Kültür Ocagi
5. Islam Kültür Merkezleri Birligi
6. Anatolisches-Alevitisches Kulturzentrum in Zürich
7. Avrupa Türk Akademisyenler Birligi
8. FC Galatasaray
9. Isviçre Türk Kadinlan Yardimlasma Dernegi
10. Horgen Türk-islam Birligi
11. Schweiz. Türkischer Verein
12. Société Turco-Suisse
13. Solidaritätsverband der türkischen Vereine in der Schweiz
14. Tüfem – Ausbildungszentrum für türkische Folklore
15. Türkischer Elternverein für Vorschulkinder
16. Türkische Elternvereinigung Zürich
17. Türk Sanat Kültür Toplulugu
18. Türkspor
19. Verband der türkischen demokratischen Vereine in der Schweiz
20. Türkischer und kurdischer Kulturverein
21. Türkischer Klub für kulturelle Kontakte (Dostlar Kulübü)
22. Verein Kulturelle Übersetzung
23. Verein Mozaik

Kurds

1. Föderation der Patriotischen Arbeiter- und Kulturvereine aus Kurdistan in der Schweiz – FEKAR
2. Kurdischer Arbeiter- und Kulturverein
3. Kurdischer Lehrer- und Elternverein

As already stated, there is only scarce information on the precise aims and actions of these different associations. There exists nevertheless a recent study included in the second part of the Integrationleitbild of Zurich which is based on interviews with 60 immigrant associations of the city (Von Ah, Dobler 1998). As the principal reason to set up an association, the authors of this study consider the wish to have one’s own place to meet and to foster one’s own culture. A second reason is the desire to help other migrants in a difficult situation, to constitute a network of solidarity. Only a small number of migrant organisations have an explicit political or religious commitment. The basis of the organisations are often the same national or regional origin, in case of Asians, Africans or Latin-Americans the organisations transcend ethnic or national boundaries (Von Ah, Dobler 1998, 224-225). The resources of the associations come mainly from within: about 60% of the associations have only the fees of their members as a financial basis, 16% of them receive financial support from the countries of origin and 22% from the Swiss administration (Von Ah, Dobler 1998, 227-228). It seems that the majority of these associations address themselves after all to first generation migrants and have some difficulties to attract the second generation.

Political affiliation

There is almost no scientific information about the political affiliation of migrants in Zurich. An important number of the first generation of Italians were members of the Italian Communist party. The same is true for the Spaniards: a lot of them were committed to political parties of their home countries, primarily left wing parties. In principle a foreigner can become a member of a Swiss party ⁶ – the Social Democrat Party even indicates that it wants to favour membership of foreigners – but this case is rare. Even if the above mentioned initiative by the group "Political rights for migrants" tries to mobilise Swiss with a migrant background to struggle for the interests of immigrants, one cannot speak of "ethnic politicians" in the sense of political entrepreneurs neither in Zurich nor in general in Switzerland.

Syndicalist affiliation

Official information about syndicalist affiliation of migrants in Zurich is scarce. According to the information given by the local branch of the Union of the Workers in the Metal- and Watch-Industry (Schweizerischer Metall- und Uhrenarbeiterverband, SMUV) 40% of its members are foreigners, the most important national group are still the Italians. According to the information given by the local branch of the Union of Construction and Industrie (Gewerkschaft Bau und Industrie, GBI) the composition of its members in Zurich is the following:

Religious affiliation

According to the census of 1990, 138.000 (50%) of the 276.000 Swiss living in Zurich were Protestant, 92.000 (33%) Catholics, 4000 (1,5%) Jewish and 41.000 (15%) had another religious affiliation or were without any. For the 89.000 foreigners the proportions were quite different: 7000 (8%) were Protestant, 49.000 (55%) Catholics, 650 (0,7%) Jewish and 32.000 (36%) had another religious affiliation or were without any (Statistisches Amt 1997, 28). It is clear that all the Muslims are counted in this latter group.

The total number of the Muslim population in Zurich amounted in 1990 to 9296 persons ⁷, which is 2,5% of the total population (365.043). One can reasonably guess that the majority of them are foreigners, which would signify that their part on the total foreigner population was 10,4% in 1990. However, it is evident that since then the Muslim population has strongly increased, a lot of migrants coming in the last years from former Yugoslavia or Turkey. But there are not any more recent data on religious affiliation.

II RELEVANT POLITICAL STRUCTURES

2.1 National level

The basic features of the Swiss political system have all an important impact on the politics of migration. First, Switzerland is a so-called "direct democracy" (see for example Hertig 1984, Kriesi 1995, 80-125). The most important component of this system is the popular initiative (Volksinitiative) which permits the launching of a political idea in the form of a project for a constitutional article, which is submitted to the Swiss people. In order to succeed, a popular initiative must gather the signatures of at least 100.000 voters in a period of 18 months. It is then followed by a popular vote (Volksabstimmung). The popular initiative played – and still plays – a very important role for populist and anti-immigrant movements. These groups have never become important forces in the form of political parties (their scores in elections always kept low) but they succeeded in gaining support from important parts of the population through the popular initiative. Since the middle of the 1960s, several times so-called "Overforeignization initiatives" (Überfremdungsinitiativen) were launched which aimed at limiting the number of foreigners living in Switzerland. Even if so far they have always been rejected, they had an important impact on the Swiss migration policy (Mahnig 1998) ⁸. The second component of Swiss direct democracy is the referendum: it permits to submit each law adopted in parliament to a popular vote, if 50.000 signatures are collected in the three months following its adoption. The referendum is also used by populist parties either as a way to challenge a decision made by parliament or as an instrument to threaten the other parties to make concessions in the parliamentary debates on a new law. The last component of the system of direct democracy is finally the rule that each new constitutional article has to be submitted to a popular vote.

The second important feature of the Swiss polity is federalism: the twenty-three cantons composing Switzerland (three of them are divided in two half-cantons) have a large autonomy in several fields. The education system, for example, is organised on a cantonal level. According to the federalist principles, the Swiss parliament is divided in two chambers, the Nationalrat (the representatives of the people) and the Ständerat (the representatives of the cantons). In order to pass parliament, a law has to be voted by a majority in each chamber. The principle of the "double majority" – of the population and the cantons – concerns also the popular vote. Today this principle is more and more criticised: the balance between interests of the cantons and interests of the whole population gives progressively more weight to the small - and often conservative - cantons which have lost a lot of their population through migration to the urban centres, but keep still the same political influence through the principle of the "double majority". In 1994 for example, a constitutional change proposed by the government to ease the naturalisation procedure was adopted by a majority of Swiss people but rejected by a majority of cantons. An important role for the politics of migration plays also the third level of territorial organisation in Switzerland: the municipalities. The naturalisation procedure, for example, is to a large extent a municipal decision (see part on naturalisation).

A third and last important feature to be mentioned is the so called consociational democracy (Konkordanz-Demokratie) (see for example Lijphart 1977, Kriesi 1995, 311-333). The Swiss government, the Federal Council (Bundesrat), composed of seven ministers, is chosen by the deputies for four years and reflects the distribution of forces between the different parties in parliament. There is no system of majority and opposition, the four most important parties, representing about three quarters of the electorate, - Social Democrats (Sozialdemokratische Partei - SP), Liberals (Freisinnig-demokratische Partei - FDP), Christian-Democrats (Christlichdemokratische Volkspartei - CVP) and the Conservatives (Schweizerische Volkspartei - SVP) - participate all in the government. The proportional representation of parties and other interest groups is a general feature of the Swiss political system and can be found on many other levels. This means that the decision-making process is often very lengthy because the different forces must negotiate a compromise. Concerning the politics of migration the system leads to long periods of "non-decision" because the interests concerning migration are so divergent that a compromise can often not be found (Mahnig 1997, 4-5).

2.2 Local level

The political structure of the city of Zurich corresponds in many respects to the one on the federal level: there are not many cities in Europe where one can find such a democratic institutional framework for policy-making as in Zurich (Neidhart 1998). The habitants of the city elect the 125 deputies of the parliament (Gemeinderat) as well as the 9 members of the executive (Stadtrat) including the mayor. The gathering of 4000 signatures allows to launch a popular initiative on the city-level, and if 4000 signatures are collected against a decision taken in parliament during the twenty following days, a referendum must be hold (Gemeindeordnung 1997). These instruments of direct democracy play a very important role for the policy making in the city: often ad-hoc coalitions and interest groups succeed to influence policies using the initiative or the referendum (Hitz, Schmid, Wolff 1995, 210-211).

However, in the field of migration the instruments of direct democracy have been used the most frequently by populist parties and the extreme right. They succeeded in the last years to block several policies aimed at an improvement of the situation of migrants in Zurich as for example the simplification of naturalisation and the setting up of a solidarity network for refugees from Kosovo (see 2.3).

The deputies of the Gemeinderat meet almost every week and their action is largely commented by the local press. Even if they are "spare time-politicians" they represent an important counterweight to the executive. Because the chance to be reelected depends on the municipal level a great deal on personal notoriety, politics are very personalized (Neidhart 1998). The most important parties in the Gemeinderat are:

- SP: Sozialdemokratische Partei (Social Democrats)
- FDP: Freisinnig-demokratische Partei (Liberals)
- SVP: Schweizerische Volkspartei (Conservatives)
- CVP: Christlichdemokratische Volkspartei (Christian Democrats)
- LdU: Landesring der Unabhängigen (Centrists)
- EVP: Evangelische Volkspartei (Centrists)
- GP: Grüne Partei (Green Party)
- FraP: Frauen macht Politik (Women's party)
- SD: Schweizer Demokraten (Extreme Right)
- AL90: Alternative Liste Züri 1990 (Alternatives)

In the last municipal elections of march 1998, the parties of the political centre (FDP, CVP, LdU, EVP) as well as the parties on the margins (FraP, SD) lost votes while the left-wing parties (SP, GP) and the Conservatives (SVP) won some new seats in parliament. This means that neither the left (SP, GP, FraP, AL90) with 59 seats nor the right with 60 seats (SVP, FDP, CVP) have a majority in parliament (NZZ 1998a).

Source: (Statistisches Jahrbuch 1994, 307; NZZ 1998a)

- Josef Estermann (SP): Mayor
- Esther Maurer (SP): Police
- Elmar Ledergerber (SP) : Building construction
- Monika Weber (LdU): Education and Sport
- Willy Küng (CSP) ⁹: Finance
- Rober Neukomm (SP): Public Health and Environment
- Kathrin Martelli (FDP): Underground workings
- Thomas Wagner (FDP): Industrial Enterprise
- Monika Stocker (GP): Social Affairs

Table II - III Representation of parties in the Stadtrat (executive) of Zurich (1970 -1998)

	1970	1974	1978	1982	1986	1990	1994	1998
SP	4	3	4	-	1	3	3	4
FDP	1	2	1	2	1	1	3	2
CVP	1	1	1	1	2	2	1	-
SVP	1	1	-	1	1	-	-	-
LdU	2	2	2	1	1	-	-	1
EVP	-	-	1	1	1	1	-	-
Other	-	-	-	3*	2*	2**	2***	2***
Total	9	9	9	9	9	9	9	9

Source: (Statistisches Jahrbuch 1994, 307; NZZ 1998a)
* representatives of the labour unions
** without party affiliation
*** GP and CSP (Cristian-social Party)

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