Third International Metropolis
Conference, Israel, November 1998
Joint-Response to Dr. Flüg
by Yehudit, King - Brookdale Institute
Introduction
I would like to supplement the objective data that Dr. Flug presented to us with some
'soft' subjective parameters of integration into employment. I wish to focus on two
elements: the immigrants' perception of whether they are employed in a desired occupation;
the immigrants' job satisfaction.
My presentation is based on findings from several studies on the integration of
immigrants from the former Soviet Union (FSU) into the Israeli labour market conducted by
the Brookdale Institute 1992 - 1995. One is a follow-up study of a representative sample
of Soviet immigrants who came to Israel between October 1989 and February 1992. They
ranged in age from 25 to 64. 1200 were first interviewed in the summer of 1992, that is
between half a year and two and half years after their arrival in the country. 900 were
interviewed two-three years later, that is after 31/2 to 5 years in the country. Two
additional studies employed representative samples of physicians and engineers
respectively.
Four questions:
1. To what extent can immigrants who are not employed in their profession also be
viewed as having been positively integrated into the labour market?
2. How is satisfaction related to different aspects of the job?
3. Does this vary by profession and gender?
4. Does continuity in one's profession necessarily guarantee satisfaction?
In order to answer the first question we compared the
perception of employment in a desired occupation and job satisfaction of immigrants with
professional background who retained their profession with that of immigrants of the same
background who experience mobility, usually downward mobility. As can be seen in the
table, only less than a third retained their original profession, and an additional 9%
remained in the same broad occupational category. This includes, for example, people who
moved from academic tot technical jobs or managers who moved to professional jobs. 40%
moved to skilled jobs which can be viewed as downward mobility. Greater downward mobility
is mobility to unskilled and semi-skilled jobs. which was experienced by 10% of the
immigrants with professional background but is not included in the table.
The findings clearly indicate that both subjective parameters of positive integration
into the labour market are related to the extent the immigrant succeeded in retaining his
original profession or the extent to which he distanced himself from his original
profession. The desirability of the job and both the overall satisfaction and satisfaction
with specific aspects of the job are highest among professional who retain their
occupation. Those who found employment in an occupation that is close to their original
occupation are slightly less satisfied especially in their opportunities of acquiring new
skills and their chances of promotion, but they still consider themselves as working in a
desired occupation. With increasing downward mobility, satisfaction decreases. However, it
should be noted that even in skilled jobs, that over half the professionals find their job
interesting and are pleased with the extent of authority and responsibility accorded them.
How can we account for the difference between the relatively low rate of immigrants who
retain their profession and the not-so-low level of job satisfaction? Three explanations
can be offered:
1. Immigrants may view the event of immigration as an opportunity for occupational
change. Anecdotal evidence suggests that this is the case for some of the female
engineers.
2. There is a process of adjustment and reconciliation as a result of their experiences
in the labour market. Immigrants learn to lower their expectations and to consider the
advantages of employment in clerical and sales jobs or in skilled jobs in industry where
they can, at least partially, utilize their skills, and where they enjoy job security,
interesting work, and authority and responsibility. It is worth noting that
downwardly-mobile professionals enjoy greater job security than their colleagues who
retain their profession. This seems to be a trade-off that immigrants make, foregoing
working in their profession for job security.
From interviews with immigrants and employers in the engineers study, a different
finding emerged: professionals who moved to skilled jobs had good chances of promotion to
managerial positions thanks to their superior qualifications compared to veteran Israeli
co-workers in their level at the workplace.
3. A third explanation is that immigrants are eager to find employment which will
enable them to settle down and purchase various material goods. Purchasing an apartment
and/or a car - 71% of the respondents in the employment survey had purchased an apartment
by 1995 and 62% owned a car - may compensate, at least temporarily, for their having to
give up their original profession.
Looking at engineers and medical doctors suggests that the perception of a desired
occupation and the sense of job satisfaction may vary among professionals. Among Soviet
engineers, 49% of those who were employed in professions which are related to engineering,
for example, computer programmer, technician, consider themselves as being employed in a
desired job, and so do 24% of those whose current job is totally unrelated to engineering
(compared to 83% of those employed as engineers). 62% of the former group were satisfied
with their job, and so were 45% of the latter group (compared to 87% of those employed as
engineers).
In contrast to engineers, Soviet doctors who are employed in other positions tend to be
far less satisfied - only 31% expressed satisfaction. The higher rate of satisfaction of
engineers compared to doctors cannot be attributed to better alternative jobs since most
of those are semi-skilled and unskilled jobs which do not suit their level of education,
while the doctors are at least employed in jobs related to nursing and feel they are still
treating people. The explanation for the difference could be the differential professional
commitment and also previous experiences with job change. Among the engineers 13% did not
work as engineers prior to immigration, and 30% to 70%, depending on the field, did not
work in the area of specialization they had received their diploma in even in their
country of origin. The intensity of the doctors' professional commitment can be deduced
from the finding that in the first stage of the follow-up study in 1994 28% of them said
that if they did not find employment in their profession in the coming year. they would
rather work as doctors without pay than work for pay in paramedical jobs (55%) or in jobs
not related to medicine (14%).
Another factor which appears to be connected to the subjective reaction to not being
employed in one's original occupation is gender, although this is more true for engineers
than for doctors. The level of satisfaction among female engineers employed in jobs
related to engineering is almost identical to that of their colleagues who work as
engineers (88% and 84% respectively) while among the men the level of satisfaction among
those employed in jobs related to engineering is close to that of those employed in
totally unrelated jobs (47% & 44% respectively). Female engineers are less committed
to their profession and will be satisfied if they are given an interesting, well-paying
job which has chances of promotion in any other profession.
Continuity in profession does not automatically guarantee satisfaction. In the
employment follow-up survey, 18% of the immigrants with professional background who
retained their occupation did not perceive themselves as working in a desired occupation,
and so did 17% of the engineers holding engineering jobs. 18% of the professionals and 13%
of the engineers who continue in their profession were not satisfied with their jobs. This
can be attributed to difficulties in adjusting to a new work environment - new methods,
different work processes, and so forth - or to dissatisfaction with specific aspects of
the job which might occur under any circumstances irrespective of the immigration factor.
What conclusions can be drawn from this analysis?
1. In broad terms, the subjective perception of the
immigrants are compatible with objective data. Immigrants who are employed in their
original or close profession, tend to express greater job satisfaction. This confirms the
importance of efforts to assist immigrants in staying in their originally-trained
profession or at least in their broader occupational categories.
2. The rate of job satisfaction is higher than the rate of employment in a desired
occupation. This means that people can be satisfied even if they are not working in their
profession. This is because they seem to be making certain trade-offs. This can be viewed
as positive adjustment. However, this varies by gender and profession.
3. Immigrants who are employed in their profession express dissatisfaction with their
wages and promotion opportunities. This drags down the otherwise much-higher job
satisfaction. Hence, it is important not only that immigrants find jobs in their
profession but also that they feel they are adequately paid and have opportunities for
advancement.
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